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I absolutely love this tank top shaper. This elite is getting richer and progressively more segregated from the rest of society. The second part describes how cognitive ability is related to social behaviors: high ability predicts socially desirable behavior, low ability undesirable behavior.

The argument is made that group differences in social outcomes are better explained by intelligence differences rather than socioeconomic status, a perspective, the authors argue, that has been neglected in research.

Only non-Hispanic whites are included in the analyses so as to demonstrate that the relationships between cognitive ability and social behavior are not driven by race or ethnicity.

Herrnstein and Murray argue that intelligence is a better predictor of individuals' outcomes than parental socioeconomic status.

This argument is based on analyses where individuals' IQ scores are shown to better predict their outcomes as adults than the socioeconomic status of their parents.

Such results are reported for many outcomes, including poverty, dropping out of school, unemployment, marriage, divorce, illegitimacy, welfare dependency, criminal offending, and the probability of voting in elections.

Participants were later evaluated for social and economic outcomes. Similarly, after statistically controlling for differences in IQ, many outcome differences between racial-ethnic groups disappeared.

Values are the percentage of each IQ sub-population, among non-Hispanic whites only, fitting each descriptor. This part of the book discusses ethnic differences in cognitive ability and social behavior.

The book argues that the black-white gap is not due to test bias, noting that IQ tests do not tend to underpredict the school or job performance of black individuals and that the gap is larger on apparently culturally neutral test items than on more culturally loaded items.

The authors also note that adjusting for socioeconomic status does not eliminate the black-white IQ gap. However, they argue that the gap is narrowing.

According to Herrnstein and Murray, the high heritability of IQ within races does not necessarily mean that the cause of differences between races is genetic.

On the other hand, they discuss lines of evidence that have been used to support the thesis that the black-white gap is at least partly genetic, such as Spearman's hypothesis.

They also discuss possible environmental explanations of the gap, such as the observed generational increases in IQ, for which they coin the term Flynn effect.

At the close of this discussion, they write: [1]. If the reader is now convinced that either the genetic or environmental explanation has won out to the exclusion of the other, we have not done a sufficiently good job of presenting one side or the other.

It seems highly likely to us that both genes and environment have something to do with racial differences. What might the mix be?

We are resolutely agnostic on that issue; as far as we can determine, the evidence does not yet justify an estimate.

The authors also stress that regardless of the causes of differences, people should be treated no differently. They find that after controlling for IQ, many differences in social outcomes between races are diminished.

The authors discuss the possibility that high birth rates among those with lower IQs may exert a downward pressure on the national distribution of cognitive ability.

They argue that immigration may also have a similar effect. Using the NLSY data, they argue that social problems are a monotonically decreasing function of IQ, [1] in other words at lower IQ scores the frequency of social problems increases.

In this final chapter, the authors discuss the relevance of cognitive ability for understanding major social issues in America.

Evidence for experimental attempts to raise intelligence is reviewed. The authors conclude that currently there are no means to boost intelligence by more than a modest degree.

The authors criticize the "levelling" of general and secondary education and defend gifted education. They offer a critical overview of affirmative action policies in colleges and workplaces, arguing that their goal should be equality of opportunity rather than equal outcomes.

Herrnstein and Murray offer a pessimistic portrait of America's future. They predict that a cognitive elite will further isolate itself from the rest of society, while the quality of life deteriorates for those at the bottom of the cognitive scale.

As an antidote to this prognosis, they offer a vision of society where differences in ability are recognized and everybody can have a valued place, stressing the role of local communities and clear moral rules that apply to everybody.

Herrnstein and Murray argued the average genetic IQ of the United States is declining, owing to the tendency of the more intelligent having fewer children than the less intelligent, the generation length to be shorter for the less intelligent, and the large-scale immigration to the United States of those with low intelligence.

Discussing a possible future political outcome of an intellectually stratified society, the authors stated that they "fear that a new kind of conservatism is becoming the dominant ideology of the affluent—not in the social tradition of an Edmund Burke or in the economic tradition of an Adam Smith but 'conservatism' along Latin American lines, where to be conservative has often meant doing whatever is necessary to preserve the mansions on the hills from the menace of the slums below.

The authors recommended the elimination of welfare policies which they claim encourage poor women to have babies.

The Bell Curve received a great deal of media attention. The book was not distributed in advance to the media, except for a few select reviewers picked by Murray and the publisher, which delayed more detailed critiques for months and years after the book's release.

A article by Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting writer Jim Naureckas criticized the media response, saying that "While many of these discussions included sharp criticisms of the book, media accounts showed a disturbing tendency to accept Murray and Herrnstein's premises and evidence even while debating their conclusions".

After reviewers had more time to review the book's research and conclusions, more significant criticisms begin to appear.

Herrnstein and Murray were criticized for not submitting their work to peer review before publication, an omission many have seen as incompatible with their presentation of it as a scholarly text.

Fifty-two professors, most of them researchers in intelligence and related fields, signed " Mainstream Science on Intelligence ", [12] an opinion statement endorsing a number of the views presented in The Bell Curve.

The statement was written by psychologist Linda Gottfredson and published in The Wall Street Journal in and subsequently reprinted in Intelligence , an academic journal.

Of the who were invited by mail to sign the document, responded, with 52 agreeing to sign and 48 declining. Eleven of the 48 who declined to sign claimed that the statement or some part thereof did not represent the mainstream view of intelligence.

In response to the controversy surrounding The Bell Curve , the American Psychological Association 's Board of Scientific Affairs established a special task force to publish an investigative report focusing solely on the research presented in the book, not necessarily the policy recommendations that were made.

The cause of that differential is not known; it is apparently not due to any simple form of bias in the content or administration of the tests themselves.

The Flynn effect shows that environmental factors can produce differences of at least this magnitude, but that effect is mysterious in its own right.

There is even less empirical support for a genetic interpretation. In short, no adequate explanation of the differential between the IQ means of Blacks and Whites is presently available.

The APA journal that published the statement, American Psychologist , subsequently published eleven critical responses in January Many criticisms were collected in the book The Bell Curve Debate.

Stephen Jay Gould wrote that the "entire argument" of the authors of The Bell Curve rests on four unsupported, and mostly false, assumptions about intelligence: [9] [16].

In a interview with Frank Miele of Skeptic , Murray denied making each of these four assumptions. The Nobel Memorial Prize -winning economist James Heckman considers two assumptions made in the book to be questionable: that g accounts for correlation across test scores and performance in society, and that g cannot be manipulated.

Heckman's reanalysis of the evidence used in The Bell Curve found contradictions:. In response, Murray argued that this was a straw man and that the book does not argue that g or IQ are totally immutable or the only factors affecting outcomes.

In a interview, Heckman praised The Bell Curve for breaking "a taboo by showing that differences in ability existed and predicted a variety of socioeconomic outcomes" and for playing "a very important role in raising the issue of differences in ability and their importance" and stated that he was "a bigger fan of [ The Bell Curve ] than you might think.

In , Noam Chomsky , one of the founders of the field of cognitive science , directly criticized the book and its assumptions on IQ.

Chomsky gives the example of women wearing earrings :. To borrow an example from Ned Block, "some years ago when only women wore earrings, the heritability of having an earring was high because differences in whether a person had an earring was due to a chromosomal difference, XX vs.

He goes on to say there is almost no evidence of a genetic link, and greater evidence that environmental issues are what determine IQ differences.

Claude S. Lucas, Ann Swidler , and Kim Voss in the book Inequality by Design recalculated the effect of socioeconomic status, using the same variables as The Bell Curve , but weighting them differently.

They found that if IQ scores are adjusted, as Herrnstein and Murray did, to eliminate the effect of education , the ability of IQ to predict poverty can become dramatically larger, by as much as 61 percent for whites and 74 percent for blacks.

According to the authors, Herrnstein and Murray's finding that IQ predicts poverty much better than socioeconomic status is substantially a result of the way they handled the statistics.

Korenman and Winship concluded: " In addition, Herrnstein and Murray's measure of parental socioeconomic status SES fails to capture the effects of important elements of family background such as single-parent family structure at age As a result, their analysis gives an exaggerated impression of the importance of IQ relative to parents' SES, and relative to family background more generally.

Estimates based on a variety of methods, including analyses of siblings, suggest that parental family background is at least as important, and may be more important than IQ in determining socioeconomic success in adulthood.

In the book Intelligence, Genes, and Success: Scientists Respond to The Bell Curve , a group of social scientists and statisticians analyzes the genetics-intelligence link, the concept of intelligence, the malleability of intelligence and the effects of education, the relationship between cognitive ability , wages and meritocracy , pathways to racial and ethnic inequalities in health , and the question of public policy.

This work argues that much of the public response was polemic, and failed to analyze the details of the science and validity of the statistical arguments underlying the book's conclusions.

William J. Matthews writes that part of The Bell Curve' s analysis is based on the AFQT "which is not an IQ test but designed to predict performance of certain criterion variables".

Heckman observed that the AFQT was designed only to predict success in military training schools and that most of these tests appear to be achievement tests rather than ability tests, measuring factual knowledge and not pure ability.

He continues: [18] [25]. Ironically, the authors delete from their composite AFQT score a timed test of numerical operations because it is not highly correlated with the other tests.

Yet it is well known that in the data they use, this subtest is the single best predictor of earnings of all the AFQT test components.

The fact that many of the subtests are only weakly correlated with each other, and that the best predictor of earnings is only weakly correlated with their "g-loaded" score, only heightens doubts that a single-ability model is a satisfactory description of human intelligence.

It also drives home the point that the "g-loading" so strongly emphasized by Murray and Herrnstein measures only agreement among tests—not predictive power for socioeconomic outcomes.

By the same token, one could also argue that the authors have biased their empirical analysis against the conclusions they obtain by disregarding the test with the greatest predictive power.

Janet Currie and Duncan Thomas presented evidence suggesting AFQT scores are likely better markers for family background than "intelligence" in a study:.

Herrnstein and Murray report that conditional on maternal "intelligence" AFQT scores , child test scores are little affected by variations in socio-economic status.

Using the same data, we demonstrate their finding is very fragile. Charles R. Tittle and Thomas Rotolo found that the more the written, IQ-like, examinations are used as screening devices for occupational access, the stronger the relationship between IQ and income.

Thus, rather than higher IQ leading to status attainment because it indicates skills needed in a modern society, IQ may reflect the same test-taking abilities used in artificial screening devices by which status groups protect their domains.

Min-Hsiung Huang and Robert M. Hauser write that Herrnstein and Murray provide scant evidence of growth in cognitive sorting.

Using data from the General Social Survey, they tested each of these hypotheses using a short verbal ability test which was administered to about 12, American adults between and ; the results provided no support for any of the trend hypotheses advanced by Herrnstein and Murray.

One chart in The Bell Curve purports to show that people with IQs above have become "rapidly more concentrated" in high-IQ occupations since But Robert Hauser and his colleague Min-Hsiung Huang retested the data and came up with estimates that fell "well below those of Herrnstein and Murray.

In , Noam Chomsky questioned Herrnstein's idea that society was developing towards a meritocracy. Chomsky criticized the assumptions that people only seek occupations based on material gain.

He argued that Herrnstein would not want to become a baker or lumberjack even if he could earn more money that way. He also criticized the assumption that such a society would be fair with pay based on value of contributions.

He argued that because there are already unjust great inequalities, people will often be paid not commensurately with contributions to society, but at levels that preserve such inequalities.

One part of the controversy concerned the parts of the book which dealt with racial group differences on IQ and the consequences of this.

The authors were reported throughout the popular press as arguing that these IQ differences are strictly genetic, when in fact they attributed IQ differences to both genes and the environment in chapter "It seems highly likely to us that both genes and the environment have something to do with racial differences.

When several prominent critics turned this into an "assumption" that the authors had attributed most or all of the racial differences in IQ to genes, co-author Charles Murray responded by quoting two passages from the book:.

In an article praising the book, economist Thomas Sowell criticized some of its aspects, including some of its arguments about race and the malleability of IQ:.

When European immigrant groups in the United States scored below the national average on mental tests, they scored lowest on the abstract parts of those tests.

So did white mountaineer children in the United States tested back in the early s Strangely, Herrnstein and Murray refer to "folklore" that "Jews and other immigrant groups were thought to be below average in intelligence.

It was based on hard data, as hard as any data in The Bell Curve. These groups repeatedly tested below average on the mental tests of the World War I era, both in the army and in civilian life.

For Jews, it is clear that later tests showed radically different results—during an era when there was very little intermarriage to change the genetic makeup of American Jews.

Rushton as well as Cochran et al. Columnist Bob Herbert , writing for The New York Times , described the book as "a scabrous piece of racial pornography masquerading as serious scholarship".

Murray can protest all he wants", wrote Herbert; "his book is just a genteel way of calling somebody a nigger.

In , Stephen Jay Gould released a revised and expanded edition of his book The Mismeasure of Man , intended to more directly refute many of The Bell Curve' s claims regarding race and intelligence , and arguing that the evidence for heritability of IQ did not indicate a genetic origin to group differences in intelligence.

This book has in turn been criticized. Melvin Konner , professor of anthropology and associate professor of psychiatry and neurology at Emory University , called Bell Curve a "deliberate assault on efforts to improve the school performance of African-Americans":.

This book presented strong evidence that genes play a role in intelligence but linked it to the unsupported claim that genes explain the small but consistent black-white difference in IQ.

The juxtaposition of good argument with a bad one seemed politically motivated, and persuasive refutations soon appeared.

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